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Showing posts with label China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label China. Show all posts

Monday, 16 June 2025

Over half of Australians believe China will be most powerful country by 2035: poll

 

Photo: screenshot from the Lowy Institute Poll


A new Australian poll has found that more than half of Australians (56%) believe China will be the most powerful country in ten years, while only about a quarter (27%) say the same of the US, noting "attitudes toward China improved incrementally, but caution remains." 

Similarly, more believe China (58%) will lead technologically in ten years compared to the US (12%), according to Lowy Institute Poll 2025 Report published on Monday

This reflected a positive shift on Australian perceptions of China with growing number of Australians gaining firsthand exposure to China's realities, a Chinese expert commented on Monday. The expert hopes in developing bilateral ties, Canberra would not be hijacked by external forces, stressing "the common ground far outweighs differences, and bilateral relations must be defined by cooperation, not divisions."

Attitudes towards China improved incrementally, but caution remains, the Australian institute said in the summary of the poll. The poll reports the results of a nationally representative survey of 2117 adult Australian residents, conducted between 3 and 16 March. 

For the first time since 2020, Australians were just as likely to see China as an economic partner than as a security threat - though a clear majority (69%) continue to think it likely China will become a "military threat" to Australia in the next 20 years, according to the poll.

About half think Australia should cooperate more with China on climate change (49%). Views on economic engagement are mixed — a plurality (43%) say Australia should be trading at about the same level as now, whereas about half (49%) say Australia should be attracting less investment from China, shows the poll.

Regarding Australia's relationships with the superpowers, a bare majority continue to say the US is more important to Australia (52%), while a lower proportion prioritize China (43%), the poll shows.

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese (45%) enjoyed a 20-point lead over Peter Dutton (25%) in Australians' confidence in him to manage the relationship with China, according to the poll.

"There's slightly more trust, slightly less threat perceptions, [but] it's still a pretty bleak picture for how Australians look at China," The Guardian quoted Ryan Neelam, the poll author and a director at the Lowy Institute, as saying.

Since the 2024 survey, the gap between Australians' trust in the US compared with China has more than halved, as perceptions of China continued to improve from their nadir in 2022, The Guardian reported, quoting Neelam.

Commenting over the poll results, Chen Hong, director of the Australian Studies Center at East China Normal University, told the Global Times on Monday that in previous years, under the influence of the then-ruling party's political maneuvers and the deliberate smear campaigns by certain anti-China forces in Australia's media landscape, public perceptions of China had been distorted and mired in so-called "China threat" narratives. This led to notably negative attitudes in polls, such as the Lowy Institute Poll 2022 Report.

However, facts speak louder than rhetoric, Chen continued. Recent years have seen growing number of Australians gaining firsthand exposure to China's realities, particularly after China's visa-waiver policy for Australians, Chen said.

"For instance, we've recently hosted multiple delegations from Australia and New Zealand, with more set to visit," Chen said, sharing his experience. "The latest poll reflects a more objective shift in public sentiment," Chen noted.

Yet while Australians increasingly recognize these truths, the persistence of a majority (69%) viewing China as a future "military threat" reveals the lingering impact of fabricated "China threat" narratives, Chen remarked. 

In addition, according the Australian poll, just over one in three Australians (36%) trusted the US to act responsibly in the world, a 20-point drop since last year and the lowest level on record since the Lowy Institute began polling in 2005.

Despite the sharp drop in trust towards the US, more than six in ten (63%) continue to think that the US would come to Australia's defense if it were attacked, and more Australians say the country should remain close to the US (57%) than those who think Australia should distance itself from its major ally (40%), said the poll.

Nevertheless, most Australians (68%) are pessimistic about the current US administration. Australians are evenly split on Washington's demand for US allies to spend more on defense, according to the poll.

Since the 2024 survey, the gap between Australians' trust in the US compared with China has more than halved, as perceptions of China continued to improve from their nadir in 2022, The Guardian reported, quoting Neelam.

According to The Guardian, Neelam said "That's quite remarkable for Australia's key security ally to have such a low level of trust." "The weight of expectation is that China will be more powerful and more predominant in the global system," he said.

Support for the AUKUS nuclear-powered submarine deal remained steady, with two-thirds of Australians (67%) in favor—roughly unchanged from 2022 (70%), shortly after AUKUS was announced.

As the US consistently prioritizes its own interests and national security, even at the expense of allies, a stance that has fueled growing public disillusionment in Australia, Chen pointed out.

But the expert, citing the poll showing 63% of Australians still believe the US would defend Australia if attacked, said this exposes a lingering, unrealistic idealization of American commitments.

Monday, 2 June 2025

US will only harm itself: Chinese defense ministry slams US defense chief for hyping ‘China threat’ at Shangri-La Dialogue

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Zhang Xiaogang, a spokesperson for China's Ministry of National Defense Photo: Ministry of National Defense

Zhang Xiaogang, a spokesperson for China's Ministry of National Defense Photo: Ministry of National Defense


In response to the negative comments by US defense secretary on China at the 22nd Shangri-La Dialogue, which exaggerated the "China threat" narrative, Zhang Xiaogang, a spokesperson for China's Ministry of National Defense, stated on Sunday that the US is accustomed to creating disputes, inciting confrontation, and pursuing selfish interests at the Shangri-La Dialogue. The remarks made by the US defense secretary were filled with deeply ingrained hegemonic logic, bullying behavior, and Cold War mentality. They seriously provoke China's sovereignty and interests, distort China's policy positions, and grossly disregard the joint efforts of regional countries to maintain prosperity and stability, Zhang said. This stance of the US is in serious deviation from the common aspiration of countries around the world for peace and development. We express strong dissatisfaction and resolute opposition to this, Zhang said, according to a statement released on the WeChat account of China's Ministry of National Defense on Sunday.

Zhang stated that the US's actions are evident to the international community. Driven by selfish interests, the US has initiated tariff and trade wars, imposing exorbitant levies globally. It has formed exclusionary cliques and engaged in bloc confrontations, raising deep concerns among various countries, said Zhang. It has strengthened military deployments in the Asia-Pacific region, grossly intervened in the internal affairs of other countries, and incited tensions. The facts repeatedly prove that the US is going against the tide of the times and acting unilaterally, which will only backfire on the US itself, Zhang said.

The Taiwan question is purely China's internal affairs, and the US has no right to make irresponsible remarks or to attempt using this as a bargaining chip to contain China. The Chinese People's Liberation Army will resolutely defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will firmly crush any "Taiwan independence" separatist schemes and any external interference. Our determination is unwavering, and our capabilities and means are strong and reliable, said Zhang.

The spokesperson noted that the South China Sea is internationally recognized as one of the busiest and safest shipping routes. He stated that China will persist in resolving differences through dialogue and consultation with relevant countries, uphold territorial sovereignty and maritime rights in accordance with the law, and collaborate with regional countries to build a sea of peace, friendship, and cooperation. The US is bent on sowing chaos in the South China Sea by forming alliances and stirring up trouble, which poses the greatest threat to regional peace and stability, Zhang said.

China has always been a guardian and promoter of peace and development in the Asia-Pacific region. The Chinese military will work together with regional countries to jointly oppose hegemonism that harms the Asia-Pacific, to oppose the introduction of geopolitical conflicts into the Asia-Pacific, and resist any country or force creating chaos. Zhang affirmed that China will actively implement the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind and the "three global initiatives," working together to maintain long-term peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific.- Global Times

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Friday, 30 May 2025

Chinese scholars flock to Malaysia

&n

 

Day out: (From left) Zhang, Xing and He exploring the city during their free time in George Town. — LIM BENG TATT/The Star


Affordable education and cultural ties fuel academic migration

GEORGE TOWN: Attracted by affordability, academic freedom and cultural familiarity, lecturers and researchers from China are drawn to Malaysia to further their scholarly pursuits.

Over 2,300 of them are working on their PhD research at Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM).

They now make up the majority of foreign nationalities in USM’s student population, along with over 3,700 others from China pursuing their master’s and bachelor’s degrees at USM, a sign that pursuing tertiary studies in Malay­sia has become a popular option.

While the PhD candidates expres­sed satisfaction at being able to work on their research topics in Malaysia, they lamented how their tertiary degrees are “valued less” than those from Singapore or Hong Kong.

Lola He Ying Lei, 40, said: “In some parts of China, a PhD from Malaysia is seen as less presti­gious than a mid-tier Chinese university. Some Chinese universities even reject the PhDs from South-East Asian universities of those applying for teaching jobs.

“Some in China view Singa­pore's qualification as higher than other countries in the region. They think Malaysia is an underdeveloped country,” she said.

However, He noted that this misconception tends to fade rapid­ly for those who visit Malaysia.

She is researching constructive journalism comparisons between China and Malaysia in news rela­ted to higher education institutions and noted that academic freedom in Malaysia was consi­derably greater.

“In sensitive disciplines like journalism, PhD candidates in China face strict ideological cons­traints and we must align our research with the supervisor’s direction.

“But at USM, our supervisors encourage us to explore and let our scholarly research evolve,” said the mother of two from Harbin in northeast China, 400km from the Russian border.

He expressed hope that the strengthening of Malaysia-China relations, along with the rising number of tourists and students from China, would lead to a shift in the perception of Malaysia within her home country.

Sharon Zhang Jing Lun, 32, is also revelling in her USM expe­rience, pointing out that research freedom was often restrictive in China.

“At USM, the lecturers lend supportive supervision and flexible research environments that contrast with the rigid system in our country,” she said.

As a journalism lecturer in China, she gave up trying to secure a PhD candidacy in her homeland after being told to wait two or three years to even be considered.

She said in USM, the process was straightforward, and upon arriving, she found Malaysia to be culturally similar and felt right at home.

Zhang, from Shanxi province, is doing a comparative study on China and Malaysia’s media efforts in the control and prevention of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Xing Zhang, 33, an art expert from Shanxi, who is here to research the development and application of Pingyao lacquerware for tourist souvenir models, found affordability to be a key factor in choosing USM.

“The cost of studying is comparable to that in China; however, the living expenses in Malaysia are more financially manageable,” she said.

Xing described acceptance as a PhD candidate in China to be “extremely competitive” and professors there often took only one or two students per year.

The three individuals noted that socially, when interacting with Malaysia’s ethnic Chinese community, they perceive a distinct difference from the Chinese in China, particularly in terms of Mandarin accent and intonation.

“I can understand their Man­da­rin, but if I talk too fast, the Malaysian Chinese will not understand me,” Xing said.

USM disclosed that there are 2,302 PhD candidates from China on campus currently, and their main research areas are management, education, architecture and tourism, arts and design, and language and translation.

Another 2,469 are pursuing master’s degrees in the management, arts, communication and language fields.

A further 1,294 undergraduates from China are pursuing bachelor’s degrees in management, computer science, applied statistics and English for professionals at USM.

USM’s Assoc Prof Dr Nik Norma Nik Hasan from the School of Communication observed that the influx of China’s students to Malaysia began after 2020.

“Between 2016 and 2019, we would see only two to three Chinese pursuing master’s and PhD studies,” she said, adding that on campus now, the numbers from China surpassed all other foreign nationalities.

Assoc Prof Norma said she had several conversations with them about choosing Malaysia, and the most interesting response was that the students trusted their agents in China to advise them on which countries to choose for ­specific degrees.

“Their agents are very influential,” she added.

USM vice-chancellor Prof Datuk Seri Dr Abdul Rahman Mohamed said USM’s global recognition and rankings were a major appeal.

“We are ranked 18th in the Times Higher Education Univer­si­ty Impact Rankings (1st in Malay­sia and South-East Asia) and 146th in QS World University Rankings.

“USM is the only Malaysian university holding the Accelerated Programme for Excellence title and one of the five research- intensive universities in the country,” he said.

Prof Abdul Rahman said almost all courses at USM are taught in English, cutting down language barriers for China’s students.

“Tuition fees and living costs are significantly lower than in countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia.

“Our multicultural nation makes it easy for China’s students to feel at home,” he said.

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'ASEAN regards China as a valued friend,' Malaysia PM says ahead of landmark trilateral summit: report

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Friday, 9 May 2025

China's quantum computing industry has developed replicable, iterative engineering production capabilities: developer

 

A model of Origin Wukong, China's independently developed third-generation superconducting quantum computer Photo: VCG


China's quantum computing industry has made new progress. Recently, Chinese startup Origin Quantum in Hefei, East China's Anhui Province, launched Origin Tianji 4.0, a self-developed superconducting quantum measurement and control system that supports 500-plus-qubit quantum computers. The progress indicates that China's quantum computing industry has achieved replicable and iterative engineering production capabilities, laying the foundation for the mass production of hundred-bit quantum computers, Kong Weicheng, head of the system's development team, told the Global Times.

Dubbed the "nerve centers" of quantum computers, measurement and control systems manage precise signal generation, acquisition, and control for quantum chips. In 2018, Kong's team developed the first domestically produced quantum computer control system with completely independent intellectual property rights, filling a gap in the domestic quantum computing measurement and control field.

The latest Origin Tianji 4.0 system can effectively shorten the development and delivery time for quantum computers at the hundred-bit scale, while enhancing the system's automation capabilities and long-term stability, according to Kong, who is also deputy director of Anhui Quantum Computing Engineering Research Center.  

Previously, China relied heavily on imports for high-end instruments and equipment, and we could only use traditional commercial instruments to build our quantum computing measurement and control systems, with signal output and acquisition tasks being conducted separately. This approach was not only costly and redundant in functionality, but also had drawbacks such as poor compatibility and difficulty in integration, Kong told the Global Times. 

"Now, after multiple iterations, China's quantum computing measurement and control system has improved in terms of product scalability, integration, performance stability, and automation level. What we need to do is to go from nothing to something, and from something to a usable and durable product," Kong said. 

The Origin Tianjin 4.0 system was built and upgraded based on its preceding 3.0 version, which powers Origin Wukong, China's independently developed third-generation superconducting quantum computer. 

Since it went into operation on January 6, 2024, Origin Wukong has served users in 139 countries and regions over 26 million times, and completed more than 380,000 quantum computing tasks, covering a wide range of industries from finance to biomedicine, the Global Times learned from the team. 

According to Kong, in recent years, the process of quantum computing industrialization has been growing rapidly around the world. Eight years ago, Barclays Bank began to explore the application scenarios of quantum technology in the financial sector. Subsequently, leading international financial institutions such as JPMorgan Chase and Goldman Sachs formed quantum research teams to explore quantum computing applications.

Domestically, quantum computing has been explored in various industries, including national defense and security, biopharmaceuticals, energy materials, artificial intelligence, financial markets, and transportation and aviation. However, "there is still a significant gap from the industry's expectations for exponential acceleration and leaps in computing power," Kong said. 

According to Kong, the development of quantum computers is influenced by various factors such as hardware devices, cooling environments, and temperature, and these challenges require cross-disciplinary collaboration, including efforts in ecological construction and other dimensions. - Global Times In Depth

Wednesday, 7 May 2025

Fostering a right view of WWII history essential for upholding international fairness and justice

 

Photo: VCG


Chinese President Xi Jinping will pay a state visit to Russia from May 7 to 10 and attend the celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War in Moscow, at the invitation of President Vladimir Putin of the Russian Federation. This year marks the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union and the World Anti-Fascist War. Xi's Russia visit will not only deepen bilateral ties at the level of head-of-state diplomacy but will also hold broader significance for the world.

The international order is currently facing multiple shocks, and the underlying causes are closely linked to the erosion of the view of the World War II (WWII) history. 

The rise of unilateralism has broken with the post-war tradition of multilateral cooperation; the spread of historical revisionism has intensified the fragmentation of international norms; and the resurgence of exclusionary ideologies has led to social division. Some right-wing politicians use various means to obscure and distort the history of WWII, while others seek to gain political benefits and solidify their positions by whitewashing fascism. Even more dangerously, the flawed historical view is feeding a vicious cycle alongside geopolitical conflicts: In an attempt at containment, they denigrate - or even deny - the historical contributions of China and Russia; and in the name of a "free and open Indo-Pacific," they seek to breach the pacifist postwar constitution and resurrect military adventurism.

Against this backdrop, the joint advocacy by China and Russia to foster a right view of the WWII history, defend the outcomes of the victory in the war and the post-war international order, and uphold international fairness and justice serves as an important guiding force for maintaining world peace and stability.

The war that successfully ended 80 years ago was fundamentally a battle between justice and evil. It was a magnificent feat of the international community overcoming boundaries of nation, race, and ideology to unite against fascist aggression. From the Normandy landings in Europe to the Pacific theater in Asia, from the Battle of Stalingrad to China's brave resistance against Japanese invasion, and across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, countries joined forces in an unprecedented effort to defeat the Axis powers' imperial ambitions. This demonstrated the unparalleled power of multilateral cooperation in the face of global threats. 

We will also never forget that the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression was inseparable from the robust support of the international community. The Soviet Union's dispatch of troops to Northeast China hastened the collapse of Japanese imperialism; the US supplied China with aircraft and artillery under the Lend-Lease; and the 1943 Cairo Declaration expressly demanded that Japan return all the Chinese territories it had seized - including Taiwan. 80 years ago, the vast majority of the world's nations stood shoulder to shoulder against a common foe in pursuit of a shared ideal of peace - a fact that all humanity should remember forever.

The victory in WWII was a triumph of multilateral cooperation that transcended different systems and beliefs, overcoming fascist tyranny. This proves that the law of the jungle, where the strong prey on the weak, is not the right path for human development. It laid the foundation for an international order centered on the United Nations and gave rise to a wave of national liberation and peaceful development based on equality and self-determination among all nations. Fostering a right view of WWII history is also about defending a proper view of the international order.

The construction of the postwar international system further proved that multilateralism is not a temporary strategy in the game of great powers, but a conscious choice of civilization born from immense sacrifice. As the main theater in the East during World War II, China was not only a significant contributor to the World Anti-Fascist War but also a builder and maintainer of the post-war international order. China has always advocated the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and has played a constructive role in alleviating regional crises through active diplomatic mediation. From proposing the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind to introducing three major global initiatives, China is actively demonstrating what it means to uphold and defend a right view of WWII history. It is providing the world with a Chinese solution that transcends zero-sum games and promotes the development of the international order in a just and reasonable direction.

Standing at the crossroads of changes unseen in a century, humanity needs to learn from historical experience of WWII victory more than ever. As former German president Richard von Weizaecker said, "those who do not review history will be blind to reality." Promoting a correct understanding of World War II is inherently linked to upholding a just international order. Whether mediating regional conflicts or addressing global crises, countries must learn from history and adhere to the just principles established after the war. Only by anchoring ourselves in a correct historical perspective can humanity maintain a baseline of peace amid potential risks of de-globalization and conflict.

"Justice will prevail! Peace will prevail! The people will prevail!" These slogans were shouted by the Guard of Honor of the Chinese People's Liberation Army during the nighttime rehearsal for the Victory Day parade on May 9 in Moscow's Red Square, eliciting waves of cheers and applause from the audience. The three declarations of "will prevail" and the warm reception of the PLA are concrete manifestations of the appreciation and support for upholding and promoting a right view of WWII history. More people standing on the side of defending the right view of WWII history and upholding post-war international fairness and justice is the best way to commemorate the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. - Global Times editorial

China Has Quietly Won the Trade War—and Now Leads the World



Donald Trump-the noisy duck


China Has Quietly Won the Trade War—and Now Leads the World
Ricardo Martins 
    “There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen.”
    —Vladimir Lenin

A Silent but Seismic Turning Point
In a silent but seismic shift, President Xi Jinping has ended five centuries of Western global dominance—not with bombs or blockades, but with strategic patience and unyielding confidence. Without firing a single shot, China has emerged not only as the victor of Trump’s chaotic trade war but also as the world’s new de facto leader.

This transformation did not happen overnight, but the past few years have accelerated an inevitable rebalancing, especially after Trump’s first administration. The West, and particularly the United States, once sat atop a unipolar world [06/05, 11:08 am] Kung Kok Chye letan kkc: China Has Quietly Won the Trade War—and Now Leads the World
Ricardo Martins 
    “There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen.”
    —Vladimir Lenin

A Silent but Seismic Turning Point
In a silent but seismic shift, President Xi Jinping has ended five centuries of Western global dominance—not with bombs or blockades, but with strategic patience and unyielding confidence. Without firing a single shot, China has emerged not only as the victor of Trump’s chaotic trade war but also as the world’s new de facto leader.

This transformation did not happen overnight, but the past few years have accelerated an inevitable rebalancing, especially after Trump’s first administration. The West, and particularly the United States, once sat atop a unipolar world order. Today, that dominance has not [06/05, 11:08 am] Kung Kok Chye letan kkc: China Has Quietly Won the Trade War—and Now Leads the World
Ricardo Martins 
    “There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen.”
    —Vladimir Lenin

A Silent but Seismic Turning Point
In a silent but seismic shift, President Xi Jinping has ended five centuries of Western global dominance—not with bombs or blockades, but with strategic patience and unyielding confidence. Without firing a single shot, China has emerged not only as the victor of Trump’s chaotic trade war but also as the world’s new de facto leader.

This transformation did not happen overnight, but the past few years have accelerated an inevitable rebalancing, especially after Trump’s first administration. The West, and particularly the United States, once sat atop a unipolar world order. Today, that dominance has not just eroded—it has been decisively challenged.

The Biden administration, like Trump’s before it, ultimately came to terms with a critical truth: global decoupling from China is economically untenable. The U.S. Treasury now openly acknowledges that tariffs are unsustainable, signaling what amounts to a strategic surrender in a trade war that began with bravado but ended in backpedaling.

The Cost of Financial Hubris

America’s attempt to sever its economic entanglement with China unraveled under the weight of its own financialization. Tariffs imposed during the Trump years wiped out trillions in global capital, not by transferring wealth to Beijing but by annihilating it. Markets froze, supply chains fractured, and America’s inflationary spiral deepened as Chinese imports became pricier and scarcer. Grocery chains and tech firms sounded the alarm: shelves were going empty, and production lines were halting. A $1 trillion trade dependency can’t simply be wished away.

China, by contrast, played the long game. It neither retaliated rashly nor blinked. It held five powerful economic levers in reserve: U.S. Treasury holdings, currency manipulation, control over rare earth elements, asymmetric trade dependencies, and vast cross-border investments. Each of these tools remains in Beijing’s back pocket—unleashed only when necessary. That quiet strength was Xi’s real strategy: win without war.

A Battle of Ego vs. Shred Future

In truth, this wasn’t merely a contest of policies—it was a duel between two men: Xi Jinping and Donald Trump. One ruled by consensus and long-term vision; the other by tweetstorms and impulsive tariffs. While Trump chased headlines and short-term victories, Xi pursued civilizational restoration. His goal was not just to withstand American pressure, but to lead a new era of global governance rooted in sovereignty, economic connectivity, and multipolar cooperation.

Xi Jinping’s vision for the world is a shared future for mankind: a multipolar global order based on mutual respect, non-interference, economic cooperation, and sovereign development, which, to some extent, revives the spirit of Bandung and the aspirations of the Global South. It emphasizes connectivity through initiatives like the Belt and Road, stability over confrontation, and a shift from Western-dominated liberalism, where rules and norms are dictated by the market and leaders follow the market’s ruling, to a more inclusive, pragmatic global governance model rooted in civilizational respect.

The results are stark: The U.S. Navy is aging, and its shipbuilding capacity is stagnant. Military overstretch has weakened alliances, with even Europe questioning the future of NATO. Meanwhile, China builds ports, railways, and satellites. Through initiatives like the Belt and Road and critical mineral diplomacy, Beijing now anchors vast swaths of Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia into its sphere of influence, not by force, but by finance and infrastructure.

A Different Kind of Leadership

The question no longer is whether China will lead the world—it already is. The question is how it will share that leadership. Xi’s vision, contrary to Western paranoia, is not zero-sum. As Zhou Bo, senior fellow at Tsinghua University, eloquently put it in his recent book Should the World Fear China?, “The world is becoming less Western, and it’s about time the West learned to listen.”

What the West perceives as fear, the Global South sees as opportunity. In Africa, Chinese workers build roads and hospitals; in Latin America, Chinese investments fuel clean energy and education. Even amid complex territorial tensions, China has maintained a foreign policy grounded in non-interference and regional diplomacy. When was the last time China toppled a government or bombed a nation into regime change?

Toward a Shared but Multipolar Future

To those who say China seeks to upend the international order, the response is simple: What is the order worth if it only serves the few? China doesn’t reject rules—it seeks fairness in their making. The Belt and Road isn’t a trap, as some Western media narratives suggest; it’s a lifeline for nations long ignored by Washington and Brussels. Even the narrative of Chinese “militarism” collapses under scrutiny: China hasn’t engaged in foreign combat since 1979, while U.S. interventions stretch across every continent.

This doesn’t mean China is perfect—no nation is. But it does mean the West must move from denial to adaptation. The future will not be American or European-dominated. It will be co-governed, with China holding a preponderant role. The West must recalibrate, not in fear, but in mutual respect.

In the words of Zhou Bo: “You cannot be the world’s strongest power and still claim victimhood.” The same could be said of the U.S.—it must accept that others have risen, and that humility, not hegemony, will define the 21st century.

From Pax Americana to Pax Sinica?

We are indeed entering a new era—not marked by the collapse of the West, but by its maturation. Learning from China doesn’t mean becoming China. It means recognizing that leadership today is measured not just in aircraft carriers or GDP, but in resilience, diplomacy, and the ability to build.

The West ruled the world for 500 years. It is now time to share the stage with a resurgent power, one that has reclaimed its rightful place and carries within it the wisdom of a 5,000-year-old civilization.
[06/05, 11:28 am] Kung Kok Chye letan kkc: China has repeatedly said she is for peace... 
Mind boggling when those western numbskulls just
can't comprehend... then again, what can you expect from murderous
warmongers who just wanted to rob, loot, steal tons of monies, gold and other resources from the the spoils of wars.
Just look at some very recent history. eroded—it has been decisively challenged.

The Biden administration, like Trump’s before it, ultimately came to terms with a critical truth: global decoupling from China is economically untenable. The U.S. Treasury now openly acknowledges that tariffs are unsustainable, signaling what amounts to a strategic surrender in a trade war that began with bravado but ended in backpedaling.

The Cost of Financial Hubris

America’s attempt to sever its economic entanglement with China unraveled under the weight of its own financialization. Tariffs imposed during the Trump years wiped out trillions in global capital, not by transferring wealth to Beijing but by annihilating it. Markets froze, supply chains fractured, and America’s inflationary spiral deepened as Chinese imports became pricier and scarcer. Grocery chains and tech firms sounded the alarm: shelves were going empty, and production lines were halting. A $1 trillion trade dependency can’t simply be wished away.

China, by contrast, played the long game. It neither retaliated rashly nor blinked. It held five powerful economic levers in reserve: U.S. Treasury holdings, currency manipulation, control over rare earth elements, asymmetric trade dependencies, and vast cross-border investments. Each of these tools remains in Beijing’s back pocket—unleashed only when necessary. That quiet strength was Xi’s real strategy: win without war.

A Battle of Ego vs. Shred Future

In truth, this wasn’t merely a contest of policies—it was a duel between two men: Xi Jinping and Donald Trump. One ruled by consensus and long-term vision; the other by tweetstorms and impulsive tariffs. While Trump chased headlines and short-term victories, Xi pursued civilizational restoration. His goal was not just to withstand American pressure, but to lead a new era of global governance rooted in sovereignty, economic connectivity, and multipolar cooperation.

Xi Jinping’s vision for the world is a shared future for mankind: a multipolar global order based on mutual respect, non-interference, economic cooperation, and sovereign development, which, to some extent, revives the spirit of Bandung and the aspirations of the Global South. It emphasizes connectivity through initiatives like the Belt and Road, stability over confrontation, and a shift from Western-dominated liberalism, where rules and norms are dictated by the market and leaders follow the market’s ruling, to a more inclusive, pragmatic global governance model rooted in civilizational respect.

The results are stark: The U.S. Navy is aging, and its shipbuilding capacity is stagnant. Military overstretch has weakened alliances, with even Europe questioning the future of NATO. Meanwhile, China builds ports, railways, and satellites. Through initiatives like the Belt and Road and critical mineral diplomacy, Beijing now anchors vast swaths of Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia into its sphere of influence, not by force, but by finance and infrastructure.

A Different Kind of Leadership

The question no longer is whether China will lead the world—it already is. The question is how it will share that leadership. Xi’s vision, contrary to Western paranoia, is not zero-sum. As Zhou Bo, senior fellow at Tsinghua University, eloquently put it in his recent book Should the World Fear China?, “The world is becoming less Western, and it’s about time the West learned to listen.”

What the West perceives as fear, the Global South sees as opportunity. In Africa, Chinese workers build roads and hospitals; in Latin America, Chinese investments fuel clean energy and education. Even amid complex territorial tensions, China has maintained a foreign policy grounded in non-interference and regional diplomacy. When was the last time China toppled a government or bombed a nation into regime change?

Toward a Shared but Multipolar Future

To those who say China seeks to upend the international order, the response is simple: What is the order worth if it only serves the few? China doesn’t reject rules—it seeks fairness in their making. The Belt and Road isn’t a trap, as some Western media narratives suggest; it’s a lifeline for nations long ignored by Washington and Brussels. Even the narrative of Chinese “militarism” collapses under scrutiny: China hasn’t engaged in foreign combat since 1979, while U.S. interventions stretch across every continent.

This doesn’t mean China is perfect—no nation is. But it does mean the West must move from denial to adaptation. The future will not be American or European-dominated. It will be co-governed, with China holding a preponderant role. The West must recalibrate, not in fear, but in mutual respect.

In the words of Zhou Bo: “You cannot be the world’s strongest power and still claim victimhood.” The same could be said of the U.S.—it must accept that others have risen, and that humility, not hegemony, will define the 21st century.

From Pax Americana to Pax Sinica?

We are indeed entering a new era—not marked by the collapse of the West, but by its maturation. Learning from China doesn’t mean becoming China. It means recognizing that leadership today is measured not just in aircraft carriers or GDP, but in resilience, diplomacy, and the ability to build.

The West ruled the world for 500 years. It is now time to share the stage with a resurgent power, one that has reclaimed its rightful place and carries within it the wisdom of a 5,000-year-old civilization.
[06/05, 11:28 am] Kung Kok Chye letan kkc: China has repeatedly said she is for peace... 
Mind boggling when those western numbskulls just
can't comprehend... then again, what can you expect from murderous
warmongers who just wanted to rob, loot, steal tons of monies, gold and other resources from the the spoils of wars.
Just look at some very recent history.Today, that dominance has not just eroded—it has been decisively challenged.

The Biden administration, like Trump’s before it, ultimately came to terms with a critical truth: global decoupling from China is economically untenable. The U.S. Treasury now openly acknowledges that tariffs are unsustainable, signaling what amounts to a strategic surrender in a trade war that began with bravado but ended in backpedaling.

The Cost of Financial Hubris

America’s attempt to sever its economic entanglement with China unraveled under the weight of its own financialization. Tariffs imposed during the Trump years wiped out trillions in global capital, not by transferring wealth to Beijing but by annihilating it. Markets froze, supply chains fractured, and America’s inflationary spiral deepened as Chinese imports became pricier and scarcer. Grocery chains and tech firms sounded the alarm: shelves were going empty, and production lines were halting. A $1 trillion trade dependency can’t simply be wished away.

China, by contrast, played the long game. It neither retaliated rashly nor blinked. It held five powerful economic levers in reserve: U.S. Treasury holdings, currency manipulation, control over rare earth elements, asymmetric trade dependencies, and vast cross-border investments. Each of these tools remains in Beijing’s back pocket—unleashed only when necessary. That quiet strength was Xi’s real strategy: win without war.

A Battle of Ego vs. Shred Future

In truth, this wasn’t merely a contest of policies—it was a duel between two men: Xi Jinping and Donald Trump. One ruled by consensus and long-term vision; the other by tweetstorms and impulsive tariffs. While Trump chased headlines and short-term victories, Xi pursued civilizational restoration. His goal was not just to withstand American pressure, but to lead a new era of global governance rooted in sovereignty, economic connectivity, and multipolar cooperation.

Xi Jinping’s vision for the world is a shared future for mankind: a multipolar global order based on mutual respect, non-interference, economic cooperation, and sovereign development, which, to some extent, revives the spirit of Bandung and the aspirations of the Global South. It emphasizes connectivity through initiatives like the Belt and Road, stability over confrontation, and a shift from Western-dominated liberalism, where rules and norms are dictated by the market and leaders follow the market’s ruling, to a more inclusive, pragmatic global governance model rooted in civilizational respect.

The results are stark: The U.S. Navy is aging, and its shipbuilding capacity is stagnant. Military overstretch has weakened alliances, with even Europe questioning the future of NATO. Meanwhile, China builds ports, railways, and satellites. Through initiatives like the Belt and Road and critical mineral diplomacy, Beijing now anchors vast swaths of Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia into its sphere of influence, not by force, but by finance and infrastructure.

A Different Kind of Leadership

The question no longer is whether China will lead the world—it already is. The question is how it will share that leadership. Xi’s vision, contrary to Western paranoia, is not zero-sum. As Zhou Bo, senior fellow at Tsinghua University, eloquently put it in his recent book Should the World Fear China?, “The world is becoming less Western, and it’s about time the West learned to listen.”

What the West perceives as fear, the Global South sees as opportunity. In Africa, Chinese workers build roads and hospitals; in Latin America, Chinese investments fuel clean energy and education. Even amid complex territorial tensions, China has maintained a foreign policy grounded in non-interference and regional diplomacy. When was the last time China toppled a government or bombed a nation into regime change?

Toward a Shared but Multipolar Future

To those who say China seeks to upend the international order, the response is simple: What is the order worth if it only serves the few? China doesn’t reject rules—it seeks fairness in their making. The Belt and Road isn’t a trap, as some Western media narratives suggest; it’s a lifeline for nations long ignored by Washington and Brussels. Even the narrative of Chinese “militarism” collapses under scrutiny: China hasn’t engaged in foreign combat since 1979, while U.S. interventions stretch across every continent.

This doesn’t mean China is perfect—no nation is. But it does mean the West must move from denial to adaptation. The future will not be American or European-dominated. It will be co-governed, with China holding a preponderant role. The West must recalibrate, not in fear, but in mutual respect.

In the words of Zhou Bo: “You cannot be the world’s strongest power and still claim victimhood.” The same could be said of the U.S.—it must accept that others have risen, and that humility, not hegemony, will define the 21st century.

From Pax Americana to Pax Sinica?

We are indeed entering a new era—not marked by the collapse of the West, but by its maturation. Learning from China doesn’t mean becoming China. It means recognizing that leadership today is measured not just in aircraft carriers or GDP, but in resilience, diplomacy, and the ability to build.

The West ruled the world for 500 years. It is now time to share the stage with a resurgent power, one that has reclaimed its rightful place and carries within it the wisdom of a 5,000-year-old civilization.
[06/05, 11:28 am] Kung Kok Chye letan kkc: China has repeatedly said she is for peace... 
Mind boggling when those western numbskulls just
can't comprehend... then again, what can you expect from murderous
warmongers who just wanted to rob, loot, steal tons of monies, gold and other resources from the the spoils of wars.
Just look at some very recent history.- shared from friends