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Showing posts with label Behind the headlines column. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Behind the headlines column. Show all posts

Wednesday, 31 December 2025

Tech war endgame


THROUGHOUT this year, the most incessant and pernicious concern most countries share has been Washington’s “reciprocal” tariffs.

The fact that Donald Trump hit the whole world with tariffs since returning to office in January assured him of global attention, but of the negative sort.

Grabbing world headlines while confounding critics was classic Trump. The surprise came in how spiralling US tariffs against China were abruptly deflected onto the rest of the world instead.

That resulted from what must have been a surprise to the Trump administration itself: tariffs on China were suddenly halted in their tracks when Beijing hit back with counter-tariffs of its own.

Moral of the story: respond innovatively, don’t just succumb. Pull some surprises of your own.

Trump 2.0’s tariffs had another unintended consequence – lumping allies, partners and everyone else together with its perceived adversaries. This assertion of hard power came at the expense of its soft power and international credibility.

The US had underestimated China’s capacity again. Multiple examples abound of how two can play Trump’s game of trade shock and awe.

This is by now a standard principle of Us-china rivalry: squeeze Beijing hard, and get an unintended and opposite effect. The lesson was never learned – tariffs, sanctions and bans have only spurred China to achieve more and grow stronger.

From its own International Space Station Tiangong and the world’s first moon landing on the far side to breakthroughs in quantum computing and nuclear fusion technology, China’s gains have multiplied when challenged. And the US appears all set to continue this unwitting “assistance”.

The Deepseek moment when China achieves equivalent or better success with higher value, in less time, and at lower cost has become almost routine. Deepseek itself was followed by Moore Threads, whose billion-dollar status, early IPO and massive oversubscription on opening day thrashed all its Western peers by a stunning factor of several thousand.

Among China’s more recent technological feats is Shenzhen’s Extreme Ultra-violet (EUV) lithography prototype. This triumph against the odds came despite, or rather because of, the US ban on sales of EUV machines to China.

It followed the familiar and flawed assumption that China cannot build competitive technology of its own. This myth persists despite repeated warnings from tech industry leaders in the West.

Former ASML CEO Peter Wennink had predicted that Us-led Western pressure against China’s technological development would only backfire by massaging its STEM prowess. Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang observed that China was only ‘nanoseconds’ behind in making the world’s most advanced chips.

Nvidia designs high-end chips made by Taiwan’s TSMC with ASML’S EUV equipment from the Netherlands. The US has tried hard to keep China out of this vital supply chain, but with steadily diminishing success.

Such futility stems from failure to appreciate the interconnectedness of global industry and all its implications, and not least China’s already considerable capacity galvanised by its irrepressible will to succeed. The condescending attitude that “China can only copy, not innovate” adds to its determination to beat all the odds.

Prior to China’s launch of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) a decade ago, US cynics said China had nobody competent to run it. But it appointed founding President Jin Liqun, a respected professor and senior veteran of the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and China’s Finance Ministry.

It happened again with Deepseek and Moore Threads, under their founding CEOS Liang Wenfeng and James Zhang. Since the Western commentariat had not heard of them, the capacity they represented was deemed non-existent.

Yet a 23-year-old Liang was already leading his Chinese team in collecting data on financial markets while the US was struggling with the Great Recession of 2008. Zhang is a 14-year veteran of Nvidia and its former Vicepresident.

Another shock to the West came with the Shenzhen EUV prototype passing all its scheduled tests. Among its lead scientists is Lin Nan, former head of ASML’S photolithography department key to making the world’s most powerful chips.

China is also experimenting with graphene and photonic chips, potentially leapfrogging today’s silicon-based versions by multiple generations. Meanwhile a gushing ‘brain drain’ of tech talent from the West to China approximates to a flood.

After Chinese nationals in toptier Western corporations and institutions returned to China, ethnic Chinese from the diaspora followed, then skilled Westerners migrated as well. The US Congress sounded the alarm and called for reversing the trend, but to no avail.

Migrating scientists are not just attracted by generous new contracts. US agencies are imposing damaging cuts in R&D funding and tough visa restrictions on foreign talent.

Asians are particularly affected after being made to feel unwelcome in the US socially, politically and professionally. The US tally of own goals continues to see a scoring spree.

The tariffs are Washington’s threat to tax itself unreasonably. Savvy countries calling its bluff remain free to develop their own inventiveness, with fresh resilience and leverage as accompaniment.

BUNN NAGARA Bunn Nagara is director and senior fellow at the 

Renaissance Strategic Research Institute and Honorary Fellow of the Perak Academy. The views expressed here are solely the writer’s own.
The Star Malaysia

 

 

 

 

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 2025 in Review with Professor Martin Jacques

Saturday, 13 December 2025

Hard to rewrite history

Loose cannon: Takaichi’s war talks have prompted Xi to call Trump to remind him that US and China were allies during WW2. — AFP

Japan’s new gov­ern­ment has had to take a crash course in inter­na­tional dip­lomacy as it learns for­eign policy on the job.

FROM curtailed Chinese tourism revenues to a suspended summit of Chinese, Japanese and South Korean leaders, Tokyo continues to reap the fallout from novice Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s combative style.

Just 17 days into taking office, she unnerved Chinese leaders by suggesting that Japan may attack China if Beijing forcibly reclaimed Taiwan. This was the most extreme declaration by any Japanese leader in decades.

 

Takai­chi’s far-right for­eign policy was not unex­pec­ted given her polit­ical record, but its extent and in com­ing so early in her term raised uncom­fort­able geo­pol­it­ical tem­per­at­ures.

Japan’s liab­il­it­ies in for­eign rela­tions con­tinue to grow, not only with China but also much of Asia dev­ast­ated by its war­time aggres­sion. China reacted most robustly because it suffered Imper­ial Japan’s worst depred­a­tions within liv­ing memory, with tens of mil­lions of civil­ians slaughtered and many more bru­tal­ised.

Unlike Ger­many that has fully atoned for its WWII atro­cit­ies, Japan has not. Takai­chi belongs to an ultrana­tion­al­ist fac­tion of the Lib­eral Demo­cratic Party and is a lead­ing mem­ber of the unre­pent­ant Nip­pon Kaigi (NK) organ­isa­tion that routinely denies Japan’s war crimes and praises its con­victed war crim­in­als as her­oes.

Japan and China may one day fully nor­m­al­ise rela­tions, but not yet. The wounds of war still run deep, their grav­ity fur­ther aggrav­ated by a gov­ern­ment that denies its hor­rors at the highest levels.

Hitler’s Holo­caust still haunts a post­war West that con­tin­ues to

give Israel a blank cheque to do any­thing. Revul­sion at Imper­ial Japan’s even worse mas­sacres in China may take longer to sub­side.

What upsets China fur­ther is Takai­chi’s cava­lier indif­fer­ence to the facts. Most coun­tries includ­ing the US and Japan have long had a one-china policy that does not recog­nise Taiwan as an inde­pend­ent nation, yet Japan’s Com­mon Defence doc­trine she cited for Taiwan applies only to assist­ance for sov­er­eign nations.

This implies that no basis exists for identi­fy­ing Taiwan’s per­ceived secur­ity interests with Japan’s. Even efforts to repu­di­ate Art­icle 9 of Japan’s post­war peace Con­sti­tu­tion through re-inter­pret­a­tion have been denounced by crit­ics as uncon­sti­tu­tional.

Attempts at re-inter­pret­a­tion to allow for greater assert­ive­ness are not widely accep­ted. It remains a highly con­tro­ver­sial issue at home and abroad.

Japan’s hope to become a ‘nor­mal coun­try’ no longer beholden to post­war US tutel­age is neither unreas­on­able nor lim­ited to ultra-con­ser­vat­ives, provided it can acknow­ledge its own past, recog­nise cur­rent real­it­ies and engage its neigh­bours fully with ‘nor­mal’ trust and con­fid­ence. That can­not hap­pen with revi­sion­ist lead­ers who are polit­ic­ally unre­formed and his­tor­ic­ally delu­sional bent on rewrit­ing his­tory.

Takai­chi’s state­ment about pos­sibly attack­ing a China that has not attacked it is reason enough for wide­spread alarm. Japan did pre­cisely that to China and a slew of other coun­tries by people who remain unapo­lo­getic about Pearl Har­bor and other tra­gedies.

That loose and dodgy inter­pret­a­tion of Japan’s national secur­ity interests promp­ted Pres­id­ent Xi to call up his US coun­ter­part and recount how China and the US were once allies in the war against fas­cism. Pres­id­ent Trump then advised Takai­chi to cool off.

Even Asian coun­tries inspired by Japan’s rapid indus­tri­al­isa­tion and eco­nomic growth remain wary of its ultra-nation­al­ists’ fas­cin­a­tion with remil­it­ar­isa­tion. Japan’s post­war rise was made pos­sible only with con­cili­at­ory rela­tions with its neigh­bours.

NK mem­bers have included former Prime Min­is­ters Shinzo Abe and Shi­geru Ishiba, but they have been less extreme than Takai­chi. Fol­low­ing her out­burst last month, Ishiba openly and repeatedly rep­rim­anded her.

Although the late Abe cham­pioned the Us-led Quad­ri­lat­eral Secur­ity Dia­logue (Quad) in try­ing to isol­ate China, he later relen­ted. In 2017 he declared Japan was ready to join the China-led Belt and Road Ini­ti­at­ive (BRI), and the fol­low­ing year Japan was reportedly engaged in sev­eral dozen BRI projects.

After los­ing WWII, Japan’s Yoshida Doc­trine relied on US pro­tec­tion to build its eco­nomic strength, developed the Fukuda Doc­trine to offer a meas­ure of war repar­a­tions, and issued the Murayama State­ment as a means to repair ties with neigh­bours. Now all those efforts may be under­mined, par­tic­u­larly when Trump is seek­ing peace with China and downs­iz­ing alli­ance oblig­a­tions all-round.

How Takai­chi’s admin­is­tra­tion now pro­ceeds with China will decide its own pro­spects. With eco­nomic stag­na­tion already in its fourth dec­ade, the Japan­ese ‘mir­acle’ is over.

But whether Japan then declines or can still thrive will depend on how, and if, it can work with a rising Asia helmed by Chinese entre­pren­eur­ship and pro­ductiv­ity.